The Election Commission (EC) has finalized the boundaries of 300 constituencies for the upcoming 13th National Parliamentary Election and issued a gazette notification. Senior Secretary of the EC Secretariat, Akhtar Ahmed, announced the move on Thursday evening, saying, “The boundary notification for the 300 parliamentary constituencies has been issued and will be published in the gazette.”

According to the final list, Gazipur has gained one additional seat, increasing its constituencies from five to six, while Bagerhat has lost one, reducing its constituencies from four to three. In Brahmanbaria-3, the constituency now covers Brahmanbaria Sadar Upazila and the unions of Ichapura, Champaknagar, Pattan, Dakhin Singerbil, Paharpur, and Harashpur in Bijoynagar Upazila.

Ahead of the election, a specialized committee reviewed constituency boundaries. On July 30, the EC published a draft that kept 261 constituencies unchanged from the 13th Parliament, with minor changes to 39 constituencies. Citizens had until August 10 to submit objections or suggestions.

The EC received 1,893 responses, including 1,185 objections concerning 84 constituencies across 33 districts, and 708 recommendations. Both supporters and opponents voiced opinions, which the EC first reviewed. From August 24–27, hearings were held over four consecutive days to examine the objections. Following the review, the secretary had said the final list would be published as soon as possible. Click Here to see the 300 seat distribution list.

Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain has said BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman’s desire to return to the country is entirely his own. If there was any problem regarding his travel documents, it will be resolved, he said on Thursday evening at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs while responding to journalists’ questions on contemporary issues.

The adviser said he was not aware whether Tarique Rahman has applied for a passport. “Whenever he comes, whatever passport or travel document is required, we will be able to provide it,” he added. Asked whether the government would take the initiative on its own, he said: “I think that is not necessary. When he wants to return to the country, we will definitely provide as much assistance as we can.”

On a question regarding whether there had been any contact with India after sending the most recent letter to bring back ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, he said: “After that, we did not send any more letters on this. It was sent once; if it is sent again, you will know.”

Bangladesh is in its deepest crisis in over a decade. The military-backed interim government that replaced Sheikh Hasina in 2024 has failed to stabilize the country, leaving the economy, security, and democracy in free fall.

Economic Collapse

• GDP growth has plunged from 6.1% in 2023 to barely 2.3% in 2025.
• Inflation is running above 12%, with food inflation at 16%, hitting the poor the hardest.
• Foreign reserves have fallen from $33 billion (2022) to $14.5 billion (July 2025), raising fears of a balance-of-payments crisis.

Unemployment & Social Fallout

• • Youth unemployment has surged past 28%, the highest in South Asia.
  • Remittances, a lifeline for millions, dropped 11% year-on-year.
  • Over 2 million workers in the garment sector face layoffs due to declining exports.

Law & Order Breakdown

• Homicide rates have risen by 27% in Dhaka and 22% nationwide.
• Mob violence cases increased by 40% in 2025 compared to last year.
• Extrajudicial killings by security forces have exceeded 650 cases since mid-2024.

Islamist Militancy & Extremism

• At least 15 Islamist attacks have been reported since October 2024.
  Recruitment of youth into extremist groups is on the rise, with intelligence reports suggesting thousands are being radicalized online.

Erosion of Rights & Freedoms

• Over 20,000 arbitrary arrests since the interim government assumed power.
• Journalists face daily repression: 135 journalists attacked or arrested in the last 12 months.
• Freedom of assembly and political activity remains completely banned.

Targeted Violence

• Violence against women has increased by 30% since 2024, including widespread sexual assaults in conflict-prone areas.
• Attacks on minorities have doubled, with Hindu temples and Christian institutions frequently vandalized.

Bangladesh today is in a state of economic ruin, political paralysis, and social unrest. Without an inclusive national election that brings all parties, including the Awami League and BNP, to the table, the cycle of instability will only deepen.

A Year of Turmoil in Bangladesh

Over the past year, Bangladesh has experienced an unprecedented deterioration in governance, law and order, and economic stability. Following the military-backed removal of Sheikh Hasina in August 2024, the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus has failed to restore basic security, protect human rights, or uphold democratic norms.

The country faces a convergence of crises: a collapsing economy, rising unemployment, escalating violence against women and minorities, rampant mob lynchings, arbitrary detentions, and attacks on journalists. Political freedoms are virtually nonexistent, and judicial independence has been undermined.

Bangladesh Turned Into The Land of Anarchy

This report examines the multifaceted crisis gripping Bangladesh, highlighting the urgent need for systemic reform and inclusive elections to restore stability and democratic governance.

From Growth to Collapse: Bangladesh’s Economic Freefall

Bangladesh’s economic engine, once a regional success story, is now faltering under the mismanagement of the Yunus-led interim government. GDP growth has fallen below 3%, compared to over 7% in 2023 under the previous administration, while inflation has surged past 12%, up from 5.6% the previous year, sharply eroding citizens’ purchasing power. The Ready-Made Garments (RMG) industry, which fueled the nation’s export-led growth, has laid off over 150,000 workers, whereas it had been adding tens of thousands of jobs annually in 2023. Construction projects are largely stalled, leaving tens of thousands unemployed, and SMEs are shrinking or closing due to bureaucratic interference, a stark contrast to 2023 when small businesses were expanding steadily. Even remittances, a vital lifeline for millions, have slowed after consistent growth in previous years.

Economy slows, investment drops 10-year low

Youth unemployment has reached alarming heights, exceeding 30% among educated graduates, compared with around 18% in 2023, fueling frustration and social instability. Thousands of skilled workers are now seeking migration to Malaysia, the Middle East, and Europe, creating a dangerous brain drain that threatens long-term national growth. The societal consequences are dire: rising crime, growing radicalization, and social unrest have become common as young citizens face diminishing legitimate opportunities.

PPRC Survey Report: Poverty and Inequality on the Rise in Bangladesh

Under Yunus, economic deterioration is not just a slowdown; it is a systemic collapse, with cascading effects on livelihoods, social stability, and the very foundations of Bangladesh’s future. Compared with the relative stability and growth of the previous administration, the country is now sliding toward economic and social chaos.

(make an infographic that shows the difference between the last 1 years economic condition with the previous years)

Lawlessness Rules: Murder, Mob Violence, and Vigilantism

Under the Yunus-led interim government, Bangladesh’s law and order situation has plunged into unprecedented chaos, exposing ordinary citizens to a relentless wave of crime, violence, and arbitrary killings.

Bangladesh sees 11 murders per day as law and order worsens

In just the first six months of 2025, police recorded 1,930 murders, a sharp 25.9% increase from the 1,533 cases during the same period in 2024. Each month shows a worsening trend, with June alone reporting 343 killings, reflecting the government’s complete inability to maintain even the most basic security. Political interference has systematically weakened the police force, with loyalists appointed over experienced officers, top positions left vacant for months, and senior personnel purged for political reasons. The result is a law enforcement apparatus that is incapable of controlling crime or protecting citizens.

The collapse of formal justice has fueled a parallel surge in mob violence and vigilantism. Between August 2024 and July 2025, at least 637 people were lynched by mobs, compared to just 51 deaths under mob violence in 2023, a shocking 1,250% increase. These lynchings often target individuals over suspicions of theft, blasphemy, or even political identity, demonstrating how mob justice has become a substitute for the state’s failed institutions. The brutal public lynching of two Hindu devotees, Ruplal Das and Pradeep Das, in Rangpur over a suspected theft has gone viral, revealing the terrifying normalization of such violence.

637 killed in mob violence, lynching since Sheikh Hasina’s ouster

The situation is further aggravated by the discovery of corpses in rivers, with an average of 43 bodies recovered monthly in 2025, 30% of which remain unidentified. Authorities cite resource constraints and delayed recovery, but analysts warn that criminals are increasingly using rivers as dumping grounds, confident that their victims will go unrecognized and unpunished.

Average of 43 Bodies Found in Rivers Each Month

The combination of rising criminal activity, extrajudicial killings, and unchecked mob violence paints a grim picture of a state in freefall. Citizens have lost faith in courts, police, and the justice system, increasingly resorting to taking matters into their own hands. The Yunus government’s failure to reform law enforcement, hold perpetrators accountable, and restore the rule of law has left Bangladesh teetering on the brink of anarchy, where fear and violence dictate everyday life, and the very fabric of society is at risk of unraveling.

Minorities Targeted, Militancy Thrives: A Year of Lawlessness Under Interim Govt

Under the Yunus-led interim government, Bangladesh is facing an alarming surge of Islamist militancy alongside systematic targeting of religious and ethnic minorities, signaling a deep breakdown of governance and public safety. Over the past year, radical Islamist groups have gained momentum, often operating with political tolerance, while minority communities have become increasingly vulnerable to attacks, intimidation, and social exclusion.

Deaths in mob violence on rise

Since August 2024, at least 111 people have been killed in mob violence, including incidents targeting minority groups. In Rangpur’s Taraganj Upazila, two Hindu devotees, Ruplal Das (40) and Pradeep Das (35), were lynched in public over alleged theft, with videos circulating widely. In the same period, 14 Hindu homes in Rangpur were vandalized, and attacks against minority-owned businesses and temples have been reported repeatedly in Dhaka, Chittagong, and the northern districts. The Chittagong Hill Tracts remain a hotspot for harassment against indigenous groups, including displacement and property destruction.

Begged for life, yet the mob did not spare Ruplal and Pradip

Meanwhile, Islamist militancy has grown under the shadow of government inaction. Extremist networks have carried out threats, attacks, and radicalization campaigns, including targeting secular citizens, activists, and minorities. Reports indicate that at least 40 incidents of extremist-led violence against minorities occurred in the first half of 2025 alone, many involving physical assaults or intimidation. Police frequently fail to intervene, investigations are slow or absent, and prosecutions are rare, leaving extremists to act with near impunity.

The combination of rising militant activity and deliberate targeting of minorities paints a grim picture. Bangladesh is becoming a country where fear, sectarianism, and radicalization flourish, and the interim government’s inaction has allowed this crisis to escalate unchecked. The protection of minorities and the prevention of extremist violence remain urgently unaddressed, highlighting the failure of the Yunus administration to uphold law, order, and constitutional rights.

Escalating Violence Against Women; No One Is Safe Anywhere

Under the Yunus-led interim government, Bangladesh has witnessed a disturbing escalation in violence against women, exposing the systemic collapse of law enforcement and social safeguards. In just the first six months of 2025, official records indicate over 4,200 cases of rape and sexual assault, including at least 650 incidents of gang rape, a stark rise from 3,100 cases during the same period in 2024. These figures likely understate the crisis, as countless survivors refrain from reporting due to fear of retaliation or skepticism toward the authorities.

Child rape cases rise nearly 75% in 7 months

Women now face mounting risks in both public and private spaces. Domestic violence has surged, often exacerbated by economic insecurity and social unrest, while public assaults, sometimes carried out by mobs or politically connected perpetrators, have grown increasingly brazen. The viral circulation of assault videos on social media further deepens trauma, amplifies humiliation, and creates a chilling culture of impunity, emboldening criminals while discouraging survivors from seeking justice.

Epidemic of Sexual Violence in Bangladesh

The government’s inaction is glaring. Investigations are frequently delayed or abandoned, police accountability is near nonexistent, and protective measures are almost entirely absent. High-profile cases in Dhaka, Chittagong, and Rangpur reveal that political connections or social status often shield perpetrators from prosecution, sending a clear signal that violence against women is tolerated, if not indirectly encouraged, under Yunus.

This surge in gender-based violence reflects more than just individual criminality; it underscores a state-level failure. By allowing such crimes to proliferate unchecked, the interim government has not only endangered women but also eroded public trust in institutions meant to uphold justice and safety. The result is a society where women are living in constant fear, and Bangladesh’s international reputation as a safe and rights-respecting country is rapidly deteriorating.

Judiciary Turned Into a Political Weapon

Bangladesh’s judicial system has collapsed into a tool for political repression under the Yunus-led interim government. Courts, once meant to uphold justice and protect citizens’ rights, now serve the interests of a military-backed regime, issuing politically motivated verdicts while denying bail to opposition activists and dissenters. Arbitrary detentions have become routine, with thousands held without trial, often for months or even years, under the pretext of maintaining law and order.

Anti-National Forces Staged Mock Trial Against Sheikh Hasina

The scale of repression is staggering. According to the Manabadhikar Shongskriti Foundation, as of July 2025, over 516,000 people have been implicated in 1,567 wholesale criminal cases, yet only 79,491 have been named, leaving 436,836 “unnamed”. This mechanism allows authorities to arrest anyone at whim, effectively criminalizing political dissent and stifling free expression. Protest movements, student activism, labor union actions, and opposition party activities have all been targeted, with mass arrests used as a primary tool of control.

Wholesale criminal cases filed across Bangladesh

High-profile cases highlight the politicization of the judiciary. Nearly 400 former ministers, MPs, and other Awami League officials have been named in over 1,170 politically motivated cases, many involving fabricated charges. Individuals like former mayors remain in detention for events that occurred while they were outside the country, demonstrating the arbitrary nature of arrests. Meanwhile, judicial independence has eroded to the point that courts routinely deny bail to opposition members, enforce preventive detention under draconian laws, and rubber-stamp the regime’s crackdown on dissent.

This systematic collapse of judicial independence, coupled with mass arbitrary detentions, has created a climate of fear, repression, and lawlessness, where the legal system no longer serves justice but acts as a weapon against political opponents and citizens seeking accountability. Under Yunus, Bangladesh has effectively become a state where fear replaces freedom, and repression replaces justice.

Surge In Extra-Judicial Killings

Since taking power in August 2024, the Yunus-led Interim Government has presided over a sharp rise in extra-judicial killings, transforming Bangladesh into a climate of fear. Official and independent reports indicate that security forces have frequently resorted to so-called “crossfire” operations, which have become a euphemism for targeted killings of opposition activists, dissidents, and alleged criminals. In the first year of Yunus’s rule, at least 44 police officers were given legal indemnity for killings in such operations, while hundreds of honest, competent officers were removed from key positions purely for political loyalty reasons, further eroding institutional accountability.

Bangladesh Sees Surge in Extrajudicial Killings, Custodial Deaths Under Interim Government

Disappearances of activists have also skyrocketed. High-profile detentions have often ended with the victims vanishing without a trace, leaving families in despair and society in terror. Reports suggest that hundreds of individuals remain unaccounted for, while those responsible within the security apparatus face no prosecution or even investigation. This lack of accountability has emboldened security agencies to operate with impunity, undermining the rule of law and contributing to the perception that the state itself is complicit in systematic repression.

Extrajudicial killings persist despite decline

Under Yunus, extra-judicial killings have become a tool of political control, a direct message to anyone opposing the regime: dissent will be silenced, and justice abandoned. This unchecked use of lethal force not only violates fundamental human rights but has also normalized violence as a method of governance, driving Bangladesh further into chaos.

Human Rights in Freefall

Bangladesh’s human rights situation has deteriorated sharply under the Yunus-led Interim Government. Civil liberties are under siege, with freedom of speech, assembly, and association increasingly curtailed. Independent watchdogs such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights have repeatedly flagged the country for arbitrary arrests, torture, and mass surveillance.

Are human rights eroding under Muhammad Yunus?

Since August 2024, over 516,000 individuals have been implicated in politically motivated criminal cases, many unnamed, enabling the authorities to detain anyone at whim. Journalists and activists are routinely threatened, harassed, or jailed, creating a climate of fear that suppresses dissent. Enforced disappearances remain rampant, with dozens of opposition leaders and human rights defenders disappearing, their whereabouts unknown.

Mass surveillance and intimidation campaigns have intensified. Reports indicate that social media activity is monitored, and critics of the government face reprisals ranging from public harassment to arbitrary detention. Citizens have begun to self-censor out of fear, reflecting the collapse of basic freedoms that are fundamental to any democratic society.

Bangladesh: Review Laws and Protect Human Rights Standards

International observers note that the Yunus administration’s failures have eroded the rule of law, undermined judicial independence, and empowered security agencies to operate with impunity, leaving Bangladesh in a state of systemic human rights crisis. The country now faces a pervasive climate of fear, where ordinary citizens, journalists, and minority communities are left vulnerable to abuse, with no institutional safeguards to protect them.

The trajectory under Yunus is clear: Bangladesh’s civil society and democratic institutions are being hollowed out, leaving the population exposed to repression and lawlessness on an unprecedented scale.

The Only Way to Recovery

Bangladesh is at a crossroads. After a year under the Yunus-led interim government, the country faces a deepening economic crisis, rising unemployment, widespread violence, and severe human rights abuses. Everyday life has become increasingly unsafe, with ordinary citizens bearing the brunt of lawlessness, arbitrary arrests, and social instability. The data is stark: rising murder rates, mass detentions of opposition activists, attacks on journalists, and continued mob violence all point to a state in serious distress.

Bangladesh Is a South Asian Time Bomb

The only realistic way forward is free, fair, and inclusive national elections that involve all major political parties under a neutral caretaker arrangement. The current interim government, closely tied to the National Citizens’ Party (NCP), has already shown clear favoritism and political bias, making it incapable of conducting impartial elections. Without a truly neutral framework, any electoral process would risk cementing the current climate of repression, lawlessness, and injustice.

A free and inclusive election is all we want

International support and oversight are essential to ensure transparency and fairness. At the same time, domestic institutions must be strengthened: judicial independence restored, press freedom guaranteed, and human rights protections fully enforced. These steps are vital not just for immediate stability, but to rebuild public trust, curb radicalization, and create a foundation for long-term democracy.

Bangladesh can recover, but it requires decisive action. Inclusive elections, accountability, and the restoration of rights are the only way to reverse the decline and give citizens hope for a safe, just, and democratic future.

The Trump administration has finally named its nominee for US ambassador to Bangladesh, choosing a seasoned career diplomat to fill the top post at its Dhaka mission.

Brent Christensen, of Virginia, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Counselor, has been nominated to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, according to an announcement on the White House’s official website dated September 2, 2025.

Christensen’s name was unveiled in a slew of appointments and nominations, that included the nomination of the current State Department spokesperson, Tammy Bruce, as ambassador to the United Nations, and Sergey Gor as ambassador to India.

All three nominations are subject to approval by the Senate.

Christensen has previous experience in Bangladesh, having served as Counselor for Political and Economic Affairs at the US Embassy here from 2019-2021, according to his official profile on the State Department’s website.

Early on in his career, he also served as Bangladesh Country Officer in the Office of Pakistan and Bangladesh Affairs, which no longer exists under that name, at the State Department.

His other appointments include Deputy Director, Office of Regional Security and Arms Transfers, Bureau of Political-Military Affairs at the Department of State (2016-2019), and as a Pearson Fellow on detail to the majority staff of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific (2015-2016).

He has also been Special Assistant to the Special Representative for North Korea Policy, Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs Cyber Coordinator, Deputy Counselor for Economic Affairs at the US Embassy in Manila, Deputy Economic Counselor at the US Embassy in San Salvador, Economic Officer at the US Embassy in Riyadh, and Vice Consul at the US Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam.

The US Embassy in Dhaka has been running without an ambassador since Peter Haas wrapped up his eventful tenure in the summer of 2024.

Since then, a series of charge de affaires or CDAs have filled the role, with Tracey Ann Jacobson, the current CDA, having been in the position since January.

The Bangladesh ambassador to Washington DC post has been vacant since Asad Alam Siam became foreign secretary

Dhaka: Ambassador Tareq Md Ariful Islam, who served as the permanent representative of Bangladesh to the UN Offices in Geneva, is going to be Bangladesh’s next ambassador to the United States. The post of Bangladesh ambassador to Washington DC has remained vacant for months since Ambassador Asad Alam Siam was appointed foreign secretary.

A senior official at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs told on Wednesday that Ambassador Tareq has moved out of Geneva to Washington DC. Tareq served as Bangladesh envoy to Sri Lanka before his appointment as Bangladesh envoy to the UN offices in Geneva in June 2024, succeeding Ambassador Mohammad Sufiur Rahman in this capacity. Ambassador Tareq, a career diplomat belonging to the 17th batch of the BCS (Foreign Affairs) Cadre, joined the service in 1998.

Prior to taking up the current position in November 2020, he was serving as the Deputy Permanent Representative in the Bangladesh Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York.

As for his other assignments abroad, he had another stint (from 2005 to 2009) in the New York Permanent Mission as First Secretary initially and at the later part as Counsellor. He then served in the Bangladesh Deputy High Commission in Kolkata, India (2009-2012) as counsellor as well.

At the headquarters, he served as director general (South Asia Wing) and before that in various other capacities, including director (South Asia Wing), director (Foreign Minister’s Office) as well as in the personnel wing and the foreign secretary’s office.

Ambassador Tareq obtained a Master of Diplomacy and Trade degree from the Monash University, Australia and a Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering from the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (Buet).

Mob violence is carving deep, brutal scars into the fabric of Bangladesh — fuelled by rumours, sharpened by rage, and amplified by social media.

Miftahul Jannat: – When justice is hijacked by rage and rumour, it takes only minutes for a mob to become a murderer. Like those two men beaten to death in Sirajganj on August 4 over alleged cattle theft. Or the Hindu homes vandalised in Rangpur in July, triggered by a Facebook post. Or the lynching in Cumilla’s Muradnagar claiming the lives of a woman and her two children earlier that month. Or the 70-year-old barber and his son brutally attacked following accusations of hurting religious sentiments in Lalmonirhat in June. The man in Bhola whose eyes were gouged out by a mob in March. The Uber driver, mistaken for a mugger, beaten to death in Dhaka that same month. Or the mentally unstable Tofazzal killed for suspected theft in a university dorm last September.

Each of these incidents is a chilling reminder of how mob violence is carving deep, brutal scars into the fabric of Bangladesh — fuelled by rumours, sharpened by rage, and amplified by social media. In this digital era, where smartphones are ubiquitous and digital freedom runs largely unchecked, misinformation is becoming a deadly weapon, and the consequences are playing out in real time.

The orchestration of violence

According to Shahzada M Akram, Senior Research Fellow at TIB, the anatomy of a mob in Bangladesh often follows a grim pattern. While some outbreaks are purely driven by misinformation, circulated through social media or messaging apps, others are far more calculated.

“There are instances where misinformation is deliberately seeded to serve political or personal motives,” he explained. “Religious sentiment becomes an easy trigger.” In cases like Dinajpur, mobs have vandalised temples and shrines based on false claims, while incidents like the Cumilla Muradnagar beating show how local interest groups exploit digital rumours to incite violence. Often, law enforcement arrives too late to prevent the damage and, by then, the mob has already done its work.

Nur Khan Liton, a prominent human rights activist, pointed out that while mob beatings existed in the past, their nature has evolved drastically in recent years. “In earlier times, there were isolated incidents, sometimes planned, but what we see now is a coordinated culture of violence,” he explained.

These orchestrated mobs not only physically attack individuals; they target homes, properties, and even legal processes. “There have been instances where defendants in custody, brought before the courts, were assaulted. In some cases, mobs attacked the accused even when they were taken to the hospital for treatment,” observed Liton.

These events often involve politically motivated small groups seeking personal or ideological gain. “They don’t necessarily have formal political party structures, but they fish in troubled waters, exploiting chaos for their own interest,” he mentioned. “Such actors sometimes even co-opt law enforcement to facilitate attacks, further blurring the lines of accountability.”

The implication is clear: mob violence in Bangladesh is not merely spontaneous public outrage. While emotions play a role, many incidents are carefully orchestrated to destabilise communities, exploit religious or ethnic sentiments, and intimidate political and other social groups.

Misinformation and the digital echo chamber

In the midst of this orchestrated violence, social media has become the accelerant. Dr Md Khorshed Alam, Associate Professor in Mass Communication & Journalism at Dhaka University, highlighted the structural changes in media dissemination. “Traditional media like newspapers, TV, and radio had gatekeeping systems. Information passed through checks, and accountability was embedded,” he explained. “Social media, however, allows consumers to become producers, or prosumers, with little or no gatekeeping.”

This shift has enabled rapid, often unchecked, circulation of misinformation, disinformation, and mal-information. Even mainstream media, when publishing online, has tended to prioritise speed and virality over accuracy, sometimes adding sensational elements to attract likes, shares, and comments. Dr Alam noted that this “viralism” replaces careful journalism with a race to capture attention, often without verifying facts from all parties involved or considering potential consequences.

When such content circulates, it can catalyse real-world violence. Mobs, often ideologically motivated, consume these viral narratives and interpret them through personal or political lenses. This ideological lens, combined with low digital literacy, creates fertile ground for rapid escalation from online outrage to street-level attacks. “People see an excerpt, a photocard, or a video clip, and make decisions without context. Even if a correction is issued later, the initial impact is far more powerful,” explained Dr Alam.

A digital chain reaction

Neither misinformation nor mob violence are new phenomena. But what social media has done is intensify the chain reaction. A crime occurs, a video circulates online, and public outrage follows. What was once a local issue now reverberates across the country in minutes.

This repeated exposure to crime through visual content online can provoke a sense of collective anger. “When a crime happens, and its visual representation is out on social media, general people can get disproportionately enraged,” mentioned Qadaruddin Shishir, Fact Check Editor at AFP.

This effect is intensified in a society where visible justice is slow or absent, and the public may perceive taking matters into their own hands as the only option, resulting in mob justice, often brutal and tragically misdirected.

Md Rezaul Karim Shohag, a lecturer in Dhaka University’s Criminology Department, reinforced this point with insights from routine activities theory. The theory suggests that crime occurs when a likely offender encounters a suitable target in the absence of legal guardianship, emphasising factors such as availability, proximity, and exposure that influence crime rates.

“In many recent mob cases, those involved are often the likely offenders. When perpetrators go unpunished, groups with personal grievances see an opportunity and join in the violence,” he explained.

The role of impunity

The growing public participation in mob violence stems from a breakdown in accountability. When justice remains elusive and offenders walk free, ordinary citizens, who would normally fear the law, start to shed that fear, emboldened by the impunity they witness.

“The general people in the mob don’t wake up every day intending to commit crimes. But when they see perpetrators repeatedly go unpunished, their fear of the law disappears. They start to believe they too can cross the line and walk away,” said Shishir from AFP.

In such an environment, one misleading image or miscaptioned video can ignite rage. Sometimes even outdated photos, like those claiming attacks on BNP offices, are recirculated to stir political outrage and potentially violent responses.

Current weaknesses within the law enforcement amid the volatile political climate have reinforced this sense of impunity among people. Many officials fail to intervene, while others are complicit or sidelined. The result is a culture where mob beatings have become normalised. “People are adjusting to crimes without punishment, and this lack of deterrence only encourages further violence,” added Shohag.

The criminology expert also pointed out the deterrence theory, where ensuring the severity of punishment matters more than who committed the crime. “From last August to this August, many people have been beaten or killed by mobs, yet how many have actually received justice? If proper justice had been served even for just ten people — that alone could have deterred others and set an example. We are neither deterring crime nor creating such examples, which only encourages more people to join mob violence,” he said.

Political manipulation and ideological triggers

“Recent cases of mob violence have been serving political ends. Small groups without formal party structures use social unrest to advance agendas, intimidate minorities, and destabilise society,” said human rights activist, Liton. These orchestrators exploit emotional triggers, such as religious sentiment or perceived injustices, while simultaneously avoiding legal consequences.

Dr Alam echoed this, noting that ideological baggage among social media users intensifies mob activity. Users interpret viral content according to pre-existing beliefs. Photocard journalism, circulating excerpts, images, and snippets without context, further fuels the cycle, according to him.

When lies go viral

What makes this crisis especially dangerous is the speed of viral content. “By the time fact-checkers verify something, the damage is often done,” mentioned Apon Das, a researcher on information integrity at Tech Global Institute. The Facebook algorithm, like others, promotes content that generates high engagement, meaning sensational and fear-inducing posts travel faster than the truth.

Fact-checking efforts, while crucial, often fall short. “Fact-checkers don’t have the same reach as viral posts,” added Das. This gap is not just technical, it is deeply educational. Media and digital literacy remain worryingly low among Bangladesh’s general population. “Most people don’t know how to verify the content they consume, or even feel the need to.”

Minhaj Aman, co-founder of Activate Rights also draws attention to the algorithmic influence. “Social media platforms show you more of what you already believe. This creates an echo chamber,” he explained. When users consume one fake news item, the algorithm begins to serve more of the same, reinforcing their biases and skewing their perception of reality.

Disinformation as income

There is also another dimension to this: financial and reputational incentives. Many actors knowingly spread disinformation for money, political leverage, or sheer visibility. “For some, social media isn’t just a platform; it’s an income source. Outrage and sensationalism are profitable,” Das explained. The proliferation of monetised content has created a dangerous incentive system. The more outrageous the post, the higher the click count.

Yet Bangladesh lacks clear legal definitions and investigative mechanisms to address such targeted disinformation. While cyber laws exist, they often fall short — or worse, get misused. “The laws are vague about intentional misinformation and can be used to silence critics rather than penalise actual bad actors,” Das warned.

Media must do better

Media institutions, both traditional and digital, have a critical role in the current situation. Shishir argued that mainstream media’s editorial decisions can either inflame or calm volatile situations. Clickbait headlines and fear-inducing narratives amplify mob action. Dr Alam highlighted that online editions of newspapers often fail to replicate the rigorous verification applied in print. Reproductions of partially verified news, coupled with low treatment of corrections or rejoinders, further confuse the public. When clarifications are issued, they rarely receive the prominence of the initial story, leading to entrenched misconceptions that can trigger violence.

Education and digital literacy

Literacy, both general and digital, is crucial in curbing the spread of misinformation and mob violence. Dr Alam noted, “The internet, smartphones, and social media are accessible to everyone, but understanding varies widely. Those with lower comprehension are more easily influenced.” Apon Das and Aman advocated for national campaigns to increase media literacy, ideally integrated into school curricula, community workshops, and online platforms. Citizens must learn not only how to recognise fake news but also how to respond responsibly. Waiting before reacting to viral content, cross-checking information, and understanding context are essential steps.

Shishir added that unrestricted internet access without education is a recipe for misuse. Countries like Indonesia introduce media literacy early in education, a model Bangladesh could emulate. Digital literacy empowers citizens to resist misinformation and reduces the potential for collective violence.

Strengthening fact-checking and regulatory capacity

Currently, fewer than 30 active fact-checkers operate in Bangladesh, a stark mismatch for a population exceeding 50 million internet users. Aman emphasised the need for alliances between media, fact-checkers, and civil society, similar to India’s Shakti coalition, to counter false narratives effectively, especially before the election.

Dr Alam underscored the necessity of updating cybersecurity and digital security laws, ensuring that legal enforcement mechanisms can detect and respond to misinformation. He also suggested government negotiations with social media platforms to minimise the spread of harmful content, following international examples such as the way the EU fined Google for abusing its monopoly.

The delicate balance

Experts agree that solutions cannot rely solely on legal mechanisms. Capacity building — within the state, media, and civil society — rather than simple control is more crucial. Strengthening accountability, empowering fact-checkers, and enhancing digital literacy collectively form a sustainable approach.

Bangladesh stands at a crossroads between digital freedom and digital peril. Without decisive action the cycle of mob violence is likely to continue. Knowledge, vigilance, and democratic accountability remain the only antidotes to a society where rumours and rage can so easily override justice.

Brahma Chellaney: The recent violent upheaval that led to a military-backed regime change in Bangladesh, followed by the country’s pleas for $6.5 billion in international bailouts, raise concerns about the future direction of the world’s eighth most-populous country.
The toppling of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government has also triggered an ominous resurgence of radical Islamism, including systematic attacks on religious minorities.

As recently as 2022, Bangladesh was seen internationally as headed toward rapid economic development. But today, nothing better illustrates the unraveling of Bangladesh’s economic success story than its urgent requests for a new $3 billion International Monetary Fund bailout, as well as $1.5 billion from the World Bank and $1 billion each from the Asian Development Bank and the Japan International Cooperation Agency.

Hasina, while becoming increasingly undemocratic during her over 15-year reign, gave Bangladesh political stability and impressive economic growth, before the global economic fallout from the Ukraine war began weighing on Bangladeshi finances. In fact, the country’s stability and remarkable-growth trajectory stood in stark contrast to the chronic political and economic turmoil in Pakistan, from which Bangladesh seceded in 1971 following a bloody war of liberation that left up to 3 million civilians dead in a genocide perpetrated by the Pakistani army and other pro-Pakistan forces.

Today, the military-picked interim civilian-led regime is struggling to restore the rule of law and revive an economy pummeled by large-scale mob violence and destruction that both preceded and followed Hasina’s overthrow in a youth-led uprising, with her loss of support from the powerful military proving decisive. The military has traditionally been a key player in Bangladeshi politics.

Several hundred people were killed in the violence, many in police firings but also in shootings by Islamists and other rioters, some of whom, according to the new regime, looted rifles from law-enforcement officers and others. Mobs also captured some policemen, beating them to death. At least 44 policemen were killed by mobs, with bodies of some hung from bridges in Dhaka, the nation’s capital.

With the overthrow of the 76-year-old “Iron Lady,” the Islamists have returned with a vengeance, resulting in widespread attacks on the country’s long-persecuted and dwindling Hindu minority.

To make matters worse, political vendettas have gained momentum, as the new regime has engaged in or condoned human rights abuses, including purges, arbitrary arrests, physical assaults on political detainees in courts and curtailment of the rights to liberty and freedom of expression. Academics, journalists, former justices, local officials, lawyers, political opponents and other dissidents have also been jailed on trumped-up murder charges.

In a case last weekend, an ailing, 75-year-old retired Supreme Court justice, after being arrested in a dehumanizing manner, was so badly beaten up in a magistrate’s court, including repeatedly kicked in the groin, that he needed emergency surgery.

All this raises the question whether Bangladesh could go the way of Pakistan, whose broken economy and dysfunctional politics have engendered unending violence, including Islamist extremism and cross-border terrorism. Elections in Pakistan have failed to weaken the vise-like grip of its military on national politics.

Like in Pakistan, the military in Bangladesh has now returned as the final arbiter in national politics, with the army chief becoming the power behind the throne. As if to let the cat out of the bag, M. Sakhawat Hussain, a retired military general holding a minister-level position in the interim regime, warned those pursuing political extortion that he had “requested the army chief to break your legs.” The interim administration, led by an 84-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner, Muhammad Yunus, lacks constitutional legitimacy.

The Bangladeshi military holds substantial commercial assets in multiple economic sectors, like Pakistan’s armed forces.

Just as Pakistan continues to teeter on the brink of default, the Bangladesh economy is in dire straits, with foreign reserves dwindling rapidly, inflation spiraling, the banking sector in turmoil and economic activity largely at a standstill. It will not be easy to restore the confidence of foreign investors after the large-scale looting, vandalism and arson since July. Many countries’ advisories against travel to Bangladesh remain in effect.

Today, the Islamist resurgence poses a serious law-and-order challenge in Bangladesh, as it has long done in Pakistan. In fact, just as Pakistan’s military maintains cozy alliances with militant groups, the Bangladesh military has had a nexus with radical Islamists.

Hasina’s secular government had cracked down on such violent religious groups. But amid the protests, mobs broke into prisons and freed hundreds of radical Islamists and terrorists, including those wanted in India for terror activity. The attacks on prisons began more than two weeks before the government’s toppling, but gathered pace in the aftermath of Hasina’s forced departure to India. The Hizb ut-Tahrir extremist group, which was proscribed by Hasina and some Western governments, is now operating freely in Bangladesh, holding big rallies.

It was Bangladesh’s chief of the army, Gen. Waker-uz-Zaman, who told the nation in a televised address on Aug. 5 that Hasina had quit and left the country, saying he was “taking full responsibility” and would help to “form an interim government.”

But, instead of a broad-based government of national unity, a partisan administration is now in office that includes two student protest leaders, a hard-line Islamist preacher and three retired military generals. This has contributed to continuing purges, as well as revenge attacks and killings.

Bangladesh is a highly polarized country with a poisonous political culture that, over the decades, has fostered a cycle of frenzied violence and deadly retributions. The recent brutal violence is the latest example.

Without sincere efforts to initiate national reconciliation and healing, the deep splits in Bangladesh will likely stoke greater hate, vengeance and economic disruption, with the risk that the nation could become a mirror image of its old nemesis, Pakistan.

Pakistan intensifies outreach to Bangladesh, seeking new partnerships as regional power dynamics shift.

Islamabad, Pakistan – When the foreign minister, Ishaq Dar, landed at Dhaka airport on a windswept, overcast morning on August 23, it was the first time in 13 years that such a senior Pakistani official had visited Bangladesh, which had broken from Pakistan 54 years ago.

Dar, who also serves as Pakistan’s deputy prime minister, struck an optimistic tone, calling the “historic” tour the start of “a new phase of our reinvigorated partnership”.

Acknowledging a thaw in bilateral relations, he pointed to the “significant progress” made over the past year.

“We must work together to create an environment where youth from Karachi to Chittagong, Quetta to Rajshahi, Peshawar to Sylhet and Lahore to Dhaka join hands to face challenges and realise their shared dreams,” Dar said, naming cities across both countries.

His visit symbolised a breakthrough after months of diplomatic and military engagements between Pakistan and Bangladesh. Relations have warmed rapidly since the August 2024 ouster of former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who was widely perceived as being close to India, and who was forced out by massive student-led protests.

But Masood Khalid, Pakistan’s former ambassador to China, cautioned that the past continues to complicate trust-building between the two nations.

“The new government of Bangladesh has responded positively to Pakistan’s gestures. Clearly, there were artificial barriers to close relations that have now been removed,” he told Al Jazeera.

What was now needed, he said, was a “framework for deeper engagement, where constructive dialogue can dispel misunderstandings”.

Military and diplomatic engagements intensify

While Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif met Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus, leader of Bangladesh’s interim government, twice last year, few analysts expected such a swift improvement in ties, or the regular, high-level exchanges that followed.

In January, Lieutenant General S M Kamr-ul-Hassan of the Bangladesh Army visited Islamabad to meet Pakistan’s army chief, General Asim Munir. In February, Bangladesh’s naval chief, Admiral Mohammad Nazmul Hassan, followed, and two months later, Pakistani Foreign Secretary Amna Baloch travelled to Dhaka.

Dar’s trip had been delayed by Pakistan’s four-day clash with India in May, but July saw Minister of Interior Mohsin Naqvi visiting Dhaka.

Dar’s eventual arrival in Dhaka in August coincided with that of Lieutenant General Muhammad Faizur Rahman, the quartermaster general of the Bangladesh Army in Pakistan, where he held talks with the chairman of the Pakistani Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, General Sahir Shamshad Mirza.

Delwar Hossain, an international relations professor at the University of Dhaka, said that Pakistan’s “hasty efforts” to strengthen ties are strategic.

“Pakistan was trying to normalise relations even under the Hasina government. Now they see an opportunity to revive the bond they enjoyed in the post-1975 era,” he told Al Jazeera, referencing the period after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Bangladesh’s founder and Hasina’s father.

Relations between Islamabad and Dhaka normalised under Ziaur Rahman, Bangladesh’s military chief-turned-president, who led the country from late 1975 until he, too, was assassinated in 1981.

“Regime change has historically created a binary of friendship and antagonism in Bangladesh’s ties with India and Pakistan. Pakistan may also want to exploit the current tensions in Bangladesh-India relations. This is a common diplomatic practice,” Hossain added.

Bangladesh’s war of independence legacy

For decades, Islamabad and New Delhi have viewed ties with Dhaka through the prism of their rivalry, a dynamic rooted in Bangladesh’s 1971 war of independence.

When Pakistan and India gained independence from Britain in 1947, Pakistan was created as a Muslim-majority state with two geographically separated wings.

The western wing, home to about 34 million people of diverse ethnicities, was seen as dominant. The eastern wing, East Pakistan — which would become Bangladesh — was more populous, with more than 42 million Bengali speakers. India stood between the two parts of Pakistan.

As grievances grew in the east, India supported the Bengali liberation struggle. Pakistan’s military and allied militias carried out atrocities, killing hundreds of thousands of people and allegedly raping an estimated 200,000 women.

With India’s military backing, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his Awami League party led Bangladesh to independence. He became the country’s founding president.

Hasina, who led Bangladesh for 16 years before her removal last year, is widely seen as close to India, where she has been living since last year.

Aizaz Chaudhry, Pakistan’s former foreign secretary, said that the shared grievances over India’s “regional hegemony” have spurred Islamabad and Dhaka to repair ties.

“Bangladeshis have experienced Indian hegemony, and we, in Pakistan, saw it in the May conflict. Both nations now understand the need for balance of power in South Asia,” he told Al Jazeera.

In May, India and Pakistan fought a brief but intense four-day aerial war after gunmen killed 26 people, mostly tourists, in an attack in Pahalgam, in Indian-administered Kashmir. India has blamed Pakistan for the attack, allegations that Islamabad rejects.

Shahab Enam Khan, the executive director of the Bangladesh Center for Indo-Pacific Affairs, described Dhaka’s relationship with New Delhi as “lukewarm”, despite India being a significant neighbour, but added that foreign policy is driven by economic imperatives.

“Anti-India sentiment is often exaggerated,” he said. “Bangladesh historically avoids viewing relations, especially with Pakistan, through a purely security or military lens, preferring economic and regional cooperation.”

China’s growing role

Regional dynamics are further complicated by China’s growing influence in South Asia. Beijing, a close ally of Islamabad, had strong relations with Hasina, who successfully juggled her friendship with India and China – though the two Asian giants are otherwise rivals.

Dhaka University’s Hossain said that China had managed to retain a significant presence in Bangladesh even after Hasina’s ouster. In March, Yunus visited Beijing, followed by Bangladesh Army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman’s weeklong China trip in August.

“Bangladesh is considering buying 12 J-10C fighter jets to boost its air power,” he added, referring to Chinese-made planes that Pakistan also has, and that Islamabad used in the May conflict. China is also Pakistan’s closest strategic partner, and the source of both economic loans and investments as well as military equipment.

“These developments are bringing Dhaka and Islamabad closer, transforming ties into a strong partnership,” Hossain said.

Trade, politics as countries seek partnership

Dar’s two-day visit to Bangladesh was packed with meetings, including talks with Yunus and Adviser for Foreign Affairs Touhid Hossain.

He also met leaders from a range of political parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), and the student-led National Citizen Party (NCP), which spearheaded the protests that toppled Hasina.

Those meetings were particularly significant as Bangladesh is preparing for elections in early 2026, said Abdul Basit, a former Pakistani high commissioner to India. “No matter what happens between India and Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bangladesh will forge ahead,” he told Al Jazeera. “We have issues from the past, but they can be handled skilfully and should not become barriers.”

Both could benefit from closer economic relations, too, suggested Pakistan’s former China ambassador Khalid and Dhaka University’s Hossain.

Bangladesh, with a growth rate of 6 percent since 2021, is among South Asia’s fastest-growing economies. Pakistan lags behind, recording 2.5 percent growth last year. At the moment, bilateral trade is modest, tilted towards Pakistan, whose exports to Bangladesh totalled $661m in 2024, compared with $57m in imports.

But if both countries try and revitalise trade relations, Hossain said they could each benefit from the other – both as a source of raw materials and as a potential market.

The academic said Bangladesh may benefit from importing cotton and textile products, rice, cement, fruits and processed food from Pakistan. On the other hand, Pakistan can import jute and jute products, hydrogen peroxide, chemicals and tobacco products from Bangladesh.

“Bangladesh and Pakistan have a combined population of 430 million”, he pointed out, “which is more than twice the size of West Europe”.

Historical grievances remain

The deepest fault line in Pakistan-Bangladesh relations is the legacy of the 1971 war. Dhaka continues to demand a formal apology for the atrocities.

Then there is the dispute over the status of more than 200,000 Urdu-speaking Muslims in Bangladesh. After the partition in 1947, the community had mostly moved to East Pakistan from Bihar in present-day India. East Pakistan — today Bangladesh — was closer to Bihar geographically than West Pakistan. But Bangladesh, whose formation in 1971 was built on Bengali nationalism, has only given Urdu-speaking Muslims limited rights, and wants Pakistan to take them, something Islamabad is reluctant to do.

Bangladesh also seeks a division of the pre-1971 assets of the state of Pakistan, and the transfer of aid that was promised by West Pakistan to East Pakistan in 1970 after a devastating cyclone, in which an estimated 300,000 people died. The slow and largely inadequate response of the West Pakistan-based government is cited by many historians as a major catalyst for the liberation war that led to the formation of Bangladesh.

Still, Chaudhry, the former Pakistani foreign secretary, argued that public sentiment in both countries supports reconciliation.

“People of Pakistan are also as sad about the events of 1971 as the people of Bangladesh. I think this pain is common, and people in both countries now want to move on,” Chaudhry said.

However, Dhaka University’s Hossain said that, despite strong support from the current political forces for strengthening Bangladesh-Pakistan relations, issues related to the 1971 war continue to remain a barrier for improved ties.

“It is important to remember that the ouster of Hasina from power has not fundamentally changed the mindsets of the people of Bangladesh about the liberation war and an expectation from Pakistan for healing the past,” Hossain said.

Still, he added, Dhaka did not want to stay stuck in the past either.

“Diplomacy is a dynamic process. Both the countries can move forward for cooperation in economic, diplomatic and cultural sectors, while they will continue to maintain the healing process,” he said.

US Chargé d’Affaires in Dhaka Tracey Ann Jacobson on Monday said the US does not support any particular party, politician, or election outcome, as it expects fair elections in an atmosphere of peace and security early next year.

“The US embassy or the US government does not support any particular party, but we do meet political parties to understand their platforms and their goals. We do not support any particular politician, but we do meet politicians to understand their goals, and we do not support any particular outcome. That is for the people of Bangladesh to decide, and we wish you all the best in doing it,” she said.

The US envoy made the remarks while talking to reporters after a meeting with Chief Election Commissioner A M M Nasir Uddin at Nirbachan Bhaban in the capital.

Tracey Ann Jacobson said she came to the EC with some of her colleagues to listen and to learn and understand, as there are so many rumours and conspiracy theories out there.

Noting that she wants to be very clear what the US government position is, the envoy said the US supports the interim government led by Professor Yunus and the Central Election Commission in charting a pathway to free and fair elections early next year.

“We hope those elections will happen in an atmosphere of peace and security, and we hope they will lead to a successful democratic government that will represent the aspirations and dreams of the Bangladeshi people,” she said.

Jacobson led a three-member delegation from the US Embassy to the meeting. Two other delegation members are David Moo (political chief at the embassy) and Firoze Ahmed (political specialist).

DHAKA: Air pollution shortens the average Bangladeshi’s life by 5.5 years, making it the world’s most affected country, latest data shows, as the government vows to act by the year’s end.

According to last week’s Air Quality Life Index report by the University of Chicago’s Energy Policy Institute, “air pollution is the greatest external threat to life expectancy” in Bangladesh, which is currently “the world’s most polluted country.”

All of Bangladesh’s 166.8 million people live in areas where the yearly average level of fine particulate pollution exceeds both the World Health Organization’s guideline of 5 micrograms per cubic meter of air and the country’s national limit of 35 micrograms. In places like the capital, Dhaka, the concentration was above 76 micrograms.

“The average Bangladeshi resident could live 5.5 years longer if particulate pollution met the World Health Organization (WHO) guideline,” the report says. In Dhaka, the impact of toxic air is particularly severe, slashing the average life expectancy by 6.9 years.

The report also shows that the air quality is quickly worsening despite the government’s attempts to address the problem.

“It’s very concerning for us. I doubt if there are any other countries in the world that witnessed such a grave situation,” said Dr. Ahmad Kamruzzaman Majumder, professor at the Department of Environmental Science at Stamford University in Dhaka.

“Air pollution has reached such a severe level here that no research is needed to identify it, as one can see it with the naked eye.”

Smog is an everyday reality for residents of Bangladeshi cities, as it shrouds them almost every morning. But what is more dangerous is the pollution that the eye cannot see: particulate matter, PM2.5 — tiny airborne particles less than 2.5 micrometers wide that can penetrate deep into the lungs and bloodstream.

PM2.5 levels in Bangladesh have been on a sharp rise since the late 1990s. The only time they dropped was during the coronavirus pandemic in 2022, but that trend did not last.

“In last year’s AQLI report, our average life expectancy was reduced by 4.8 years, and this year it’s reported as 5.5 years,” Majumder said.

“The situation is very alarming. It shows that the state has failed to ensure a safe environment for the protection of its people. Bangladesh didn’t reject this report, which means the Bangladeshi government also agrees with the findings of this report. The state can’t evade the responsibility here.”

As the main sources of pollution, he listed increasing use of fossil fuels and fumes from brick kilns, which burn coal or wood to fire bricks.

“Every year, an additional 100,000 vehicles hit the streets of Dhaka. Many of these vehicles operate without proper fitness checks, contributing significantly to air pollution,” he said.

“Transboundary air pollution from neighboring countries is also affecting us. The lack of proper waste management, including open burning, is also a big factor.”

In response to the latest air pollution report, the government vows to step up its efforts by the year’s end, although the task is not easy, with Dr. Ziaul Huq, director of air quality management at the Department of Environment, admitting that “every source of air pollution” exists in Bangladesh’s environment.

“We are trying to withdraw the vehicles without fitness checks from the streets, but we are yet to see any success in this sector,” he told the News.

“Big industries that are responsible for air pollution, we will bring them under constant monitoring. A device will be installed at their factory furnace, and our officials will continuously monitor the emission results centrally. If any deviation is found, we will intervene immediately. This work will begin within the next two months under the ‘Bangladesh Clean Air’ project.”

While not all sources of pollution can be controlled, some, until now, have not been properly addressed.

“In the case of Dhaka, transboundary pollution is responsible for 30 percent to 35 percent of air pollution. This situation is beyond our control. From October to April, 35 percent of air pollution in Dhaka comes from outside the country,” he said.

“Thirty-nine percent of Dhaka’s air pollution is caused by the burning of waste and firewood. We couldn’t address this issue properly. Our efforts are there.”