Earlier on August 30, Gono Odhikar Parishad activists set the Jatiya Party central office on fire

The Jatiya Party (JaPa) central office in Dhaka’s Bijoynagar was once again targeted on Friday evening, as miscreants vandalized and set fire to the office. Around 7:15pm, stones were thrown at the office. Earlier, at about 6:30pm, leaders and activists of the Gono Odhikar Parishad held a demonstration at Shahbagh intersection, burning tires to demand a ban on JaPa, before marching towards the office at Bijoynagar.

Ramna police station duty officer, Sub-Inspector (SI) Sajjad Hossain, told Bangla Tribune: “Suddenly, a few miscreants launched an attack on the Jatiya Party office. They vandalized some furniture inside and set fire. On receiving the report, police quickly arrived, extinguished the fire, and brought the situation under control.”

Eyewitnesses said that around 5:45pm, a group of people gathered in front of the office, carried out several rounds of attacks, and later attempted arson. A local shopkeeper said: “Suddenly, a few youths came shouting slogans, entered the office, and began vandalizing. I saw smoke rising soon after. They dispersed when police arrived.”

The area remains tense, and this is not the first time the office has faced such attacks. Earlier on August 30, activists of Gono Odhikar Parishad set the Jatiya Party central office on fire.

Bangladesh Bank has once again invited applications from investors to establish the country’s first digital banks, with an aim of ensuring faster and more accessible financial services through a fully branchless model. In a notice issued on Tuesday, the central bank said it will accept applications between September 1 and September 30, 2025, under section 31 of the Bank Company Act, 1991.

Applicants must submit proposals with a non-refundable processing fee of Tk 5 lakh. Failure to provide the required documents will lead to automatic cancellation, it said. The central bank framed its digital bank guidelines on June 14, 2023, and recently revised them to strengthen capital and operational requirements. The minimum paid-up capital has been raised to Tk 300 crore from Tk 125 crore earlier.

Digital banks must also launch an initial public offering (IPO) within five years of licensing, with the IPO size not less than the sponsors’ initial capital. According to the guidelines, a digital bank will operate entirely online with only a head office, requiring no physical branches, sub-branches, ATMs, or cash-deposit machines.

All services will be app-based and delivered through mobile phones and other digital devices. While structurally different from traditional banks, digital banks must comply with the same business, governance, and operational standards.

Bangladesh Bank said the move reflects global shifts toward technology-driven finance and aims to widen access to credit, particularly for cottage, micro, and small enterprises (CMSEs) and underserved groups, according to the notice.

Promoting innovation-led growth and financial inclusion is also seen as crucial to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and adapting to the Fourth Industrial Revolution, it said.

This is not the first attempt to introduce digital banks.

The central bank previously invited applications in 2023 and approved Nagad as a digital bank, though the licence was later cancelled following the fall of the Awami League government in August 2024.

Currently, 61 scheduled commercial banks and 35 non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs) operate in Bangladesh, with many already offering digital banking services. However, about 20 banks and 25 NBFIs have faced near collapse in recent years due to loan irregularities, mismanagement, and corruption. Critics have questioned the necessity of licensing new banks in such a troubled sector, arguing that strengthening existing institutions should take priority. Still, the central bank insists that dedicated digital banks could drive efficiency, expand outreach, and reduce costs in delivering financial products across the country.

The Appellate Division of the Supreme Court on Thursday upheld the High Court’s acquittal of BNP acting chair Tarique Rahman and 48 others in the August 21, 2004 grenade attack cases, effectively nullifying the lower court’s conviction of all 49 accused. At least 24 people, including senior Awami League leader Ivy Rahman, were killed and scores, including the then opposition leader and AL president Sheikh Hasina, were injured when grenades were hurled at the AL rally in front of the party central office at Paltan in the capital.

Meanwhile, any activities of the Awami League have been banned until the competition of trials of those involved in the crimes against humanity committed during the July 2024 mass uprising that ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina and she fled to India on August 5, 2024.

On October 10, 2018, Dhaka’s Speedy Trial Tribunal-1 sentenced 19 people, including former state minister for home Lutfozzaman Babar, to death, Tarique Rahman and 18 others to life term imprisonment, and 11 more to various prison terms.

Tarique, along with 15 other accused, was tried in absentia, as he has been living in London since 2008. The Appellate Division also struck down the High Court directive for a further investigation into the attack, in the verdict that such an instruction to the executive branch violated the constitutional principle of separation of powers.

The apex court emphasised that courts should not interfere in matters of government policy, citing the constitutional principle of separation of powers. It also ruled that the HC observation amounted to judicial overreach by stepping into the domain of policymaking. As a result, the apex court ordered that part of the HC judgment to be expunged.

The chief justice, Syed Refaat Ahmed, pronounced the unanimous decision of the six-judge bench in 12 minutes in a crowded courtroom while dismissing the state’s appeal that challenged the High Court verdict delivered on December 1, 2024, acquitting Tarique, Babar, and 47 others of murder and charges related to explosives, citing legal and procedural flaws in the 2018 trial-court judgment.

Five other Appellate Division judges were Justice Md Ashfaqul Islam, Justice Zubayer Rahman Chowdhury, Justice Md Rezaul Haque, Justice SM Emdadul Hoque, and Justice Farah Mahbub. The Appellate Division issued an order in advance asking the jail authorities to immediately release all the acquitted individuals unless they were wanted in other cases.

It also cited serious doubts over the voluntariness of second confessional statements made in 2007 by three accused — Harkat-ul Jihad leader Mufti Hannan, his brother Mohibullah, and Moulana Sharif Shahidul Alam — all within five and a half hours in a single day.

The Appellate Division observed that the prosecution’s case was significantly weakened by the execution of accused Mufti Abdul Hannan before he could be examined under Section 342 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

Mufti Hannan was executed on April 12, 2017 in connection with the grenade attack on then British high commissioner Anwar Choudhury in Sylhet on May 21, 2004. The attack injured Anwar Choudhury and killed two bystanders and a police officer. The apex court stated that the second-occasion confessions were either extracted under coercion or made under oppressive and unlawful conditions.

As a result, the apex court ruled, the confessions failed to meet the legal standard of reliability and could not be used as credible evidence. This finding played a key role in upholding the HC decision to acquit the accused.

The Appellate Division said that several accused, including Mufti Abdul Hannan, were in a prolonged custody — some in death-row cells — before being presented to magistrates in 2007 for recording the confessional statement. Others were held in police custody for extended periods without proper judicial oversight.

The court highlighted that the 2007 confessional statements by Hannan and three other convicts had been recorded on the same day by a single magistrate in what it called an ‘unusual haste,’ violating procedural safeguards.

It further pointed out that the accused had later retracted their confessions, alleging they were made under duress, including torture and illegal detention by law enforcement agencies. On October 10, 2018, Dhaka’s Speedy Trial Tribunal-1 sentenced the 19 people to death, Tarique and 18 others to life-term imprisonment, and 11 more to varying prison terms.

The High Court acquitted all the convicts and asked the home ministry to initiate a proper investigation by expert and impartial agencies to ensure justice for the victims. The verdict read, ‘This heinous and tragic incident requires a thorough and independent investigation to bring justice to the victims, including Ivy Rahman, the then AL leader, and others who lost their lives. The earlier proceedings failed to deliver fair justice.’

Earlier in 2011, a supplementary charge sheet added 30 new accused, including Tarique Rahman and Lutfozzaman Babar, based on Hannan’s second confession in 2007. This followed a fresh investigation launched in 2009 during the Awami League regime. Sixty-one witnesses testified during the trial. The original charge sheet, submitted in 2007, named 22 accused, including Mufti Hannan, former BNP state minister Abdus Salam Pintu, and Moulana Tajuddin. Altogether, 49 people were tried and convicted.

Two cases — one for the murders and another under the Explosive Substances Act — were filed by the police against unidentified people in connection with the grenade attack.

The HC verdict observed that 30 additional individuals, including Tarique, Babar, former prime minister Khaleda Zia’s political secretary Harris Chowdhury, Jamaat-e-Islami leader Ali Ahsan Muhammad Mujahid, who was executed in a war crime case, and former National Security Intelligence director general Rezzakul Haider Chowdhury, were named in a supplementary charge sheet.

Chief defence counsel SM Shajahan told New Age that it was true that many people were killed in the grenade attack but the trial targeted the wrong individuals to harass them politically as the real perpetrators were not properly identified due to a flawed investigation.

Md Jalal, branded as ‘Joj Miah,’ spent four years in jail after being falsely implicated in the August 21, 2004 grenade attack case. His wrongful detention highlighted flaws in the investigation during the BNP regime. Jalal, hailing from Senbagh, Noakhali, was imprisoned from June 10, 2005 to June 27, 2009. He was exonerated of the murder charges after CID superintendent Fazlul Kabir submitted the first charge sheet on June 9, 2008.

A National API Connectivity Hub is being developed through Citizen Service to bring all services from government offices into one platform

Chief Adviser’s Special Envoy on International Affairs Lutfey Siddiqi, inaugurated passport services at the Citizen Service Centre in Gulshan, Dhaka. For the first time in the country, services related to passport application and renewal have been introduced at an entrepreneur-driven citizen service centre outside of a passport office.

The announcement was made on Thursday, in a Facebook post by the Chief Adviser’s Special Assistant, Faiz Ahmad Taiyeb. At present, Citizen Service is running pilot and learning programs with a total of 400 services, including those related to passports, driving licences, birth and death registration, national identity cards (NIDs), and land record services from various government offices, upazila parishads, and zila parishads.

Ten Citizen Service pilots will be launched simultaneously at the end of this month in six locations: Gulshan 1, Uttara Sector 6, Nilkhet, Ramna, Mohammadpur, and Banasree. Among them, the centres in Gulshan 1, Uttara, and Nilkhet are already fully operational.

The post stated that among the six centres in Dhaka (ten in total under the pilot program), citizens are encouraged to visit their nearest Citizen Service Centre, inform the centre about their service needs, and provide suggestions for improving the quality of services.

A National API Connectivity Hub is being developed through Citizen Service to bring all services from government offices into one platform, ensuring citizens receive hassle-free service.

As a result, it will no longer be necessary to apply separately through hundreds of different websites of various offices. Instead, all services will be available in one place through the National Connectivity Hub. Services of different ministries, online platforms, and digital centres created in the past as digital islands will also be interconnected and interoperable through Citizen Service.

This is the first Citizen Service Connectivity Hub in Bangladesh aimed at providing all essential services for citizens in one place.

The Election Commission (EC) has finalized the boundaries of 300 constituencies for the upcoming 13th National Parliamentary Election and issued a gazette notification. Senior Secretary of the EC Secretariat, Akhtar Ahmed, announced the move on Thursday evening, saying, “The boundary notification for the 300 parliamentary constituencies has been issued and will be published in the gazette.”

According to the final list, Gazipur has gained one additional seat, increasing its constituencies from five to six, while Bagerhat has lost one, reducing its constituencies from four to three. In Brahmanbaria-3, the constituency now covers Brahmanbaria Sadar Upazila and the unions of Ichapura, Champaknagar, Pattan, Dakhin Singerbil, Paharpur, and Harashpur in Bijoynagar Upazila.

Ahead of the election, a specialized committee reviewed constituency boundaries. On July 30, the EC published a draft that kept 261 constituencies unchanged from the 13th Parliament, with minor changes to 39 constituencies. Citizens had until August 10 to submit objections or suggestions.

The EC received 1,893 responses, including 1,185 objections concerning 84 constituencies across 33 districts, and 708 recommendations. Both supporters and opponents voiced opinions, which the EC first reviewed. From August 24–27, hearings were held over four consecutive days to examine the objections. Following the review, the secretary had said the final list would be published as soon as possible. Click Here to see the 300 seat distribution list.

Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain has said BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman’s desire to return to the country is entirely his own. If there was any problem regarding his travel documents, it will be resolved, he said on Thursday evening at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs while responding to journalists’ questions on contemporary issues.

The adviser said he was not aware whether Tarique Rahman has applied for a passport. “Whenever he comes, whatever passport or travel document is required, we will be able to provide it,” he added. Asked whether the government would take the initiative on its own, he said: “I think that is not necessary. When he wants to return to the country, we will definitely provide as much assistance as we can.”

On a question regarding whether there had been any contact with India after sending the most recent letter to bring back ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina, he said: “After that, we did not send any more letters on this. It was sent once; if it is sent again, you will know.”

Bangladesh is in its deepest crisis in over a decade. The military-backed interim government that replaced Sheikh Hasina in 2024 has failed to stabilize the country, leaving the economy, security, and democracy in free fall.

Economic Collapse

• GDP growth has plunged from 6.1% in 2023 to barely 2.3% in 2025.
• Inflation is running above 12%, with food inflation at 16%, hitting the poor the hardest.
• Foreign reserves have fallen from $33 billion (2022) to $14.5 billion (July 2025), raising fears of a balance-of-payments crisis.

Unemployment & Social Fallout

• • Youth unemployment has surged past 28%, the highest in South Asia.
  • Remittances, a lifeline for millions, dropped 11% year-on-year.
  • Over 2 million workers in the garment sector face layoffs due to declining exports.

Law & Order Breakdown

• Homicide rates have risen by 27% in Dhaka and 22% nationwide.
• Mob violence cases increased by 40% in 2025 compared to last year.
• Extrajudicial killings by security forces have exceeded 650 cases since mid-2024.

Islamist Militancy & Extremism

• At least 15 Islamist attacks have been reported since October 2024.
  Recruitment of youth into extremist groups is on the rise, with intelligence reports suggesting thousands are being radicalized online.

Erosion of Rights & Freedoms

• Over 20,000 arbitrary arrests since the interim government assumed power.
• Journalists face daily repression: 135 journalists attacked or arrested in the last 12 months.
• Freedom of assembly and political activity remains completely banned.

Targeted Violence

• Violence against women has increased by 30% since 2024, including widespread sexual assaults in conflict-prone areas.
• Attacks on minorities have doubled, with Hindu temples and Christian institutions frequently vandalized.

Bangladesh today is in a state of economic ruin, political paralysis, and social unrest. Without an inclusive national election that brings all parties, including the Awami League and BNP, to the table, the cycle of instability will only deepen.

A Year of Turmoil in Bangladesh

Over the past year, Bangladesh has experienced an unprecedented deterioration in governance, law and order, and economic stability. Following the military-backed removal of Sheikh Hasina in August 2024, the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus has failed to restore basic security, protect human rights, or uphold democratic norms.

The country faces a convergence of crises: a collapsing economy, rising unemployment, escalating violence against women and minorities, rampant mob lynchings, arbitrary detentions, and attacks on journalists. Political freedoms are virtually nonexistent, and judicial independence has been undermined.

Bangladesh Turned Into The Land of Anarchy

This report examines the multifaceted crisis gripping Bangladesh, highlighting the urgent need for systemic reform and inclusive elections to restore stability and democratic governance.

From Growth to Collapse: Bangladesh’s Economic Freefall

Bangladesh’s economic engine, once a regional success story, is now faltering under the mismanagement of the Yunus-led interim government. GDP growth has fallen below 3%, compared to over 7% in 2023 under the previous administration, while inflation has surged past 12%, up from 5.6% the previous year, sharply eroding citizens’ purchasing power. The Ready-Made Garments (RMG) industry, which fueled the nation’s export-led growth, has laid off over 150,000 workers, whereas it had been adding tens of thousands of jobs annually in 2023. Construction projects are largely stalled, leaving tens of thousands unemployed, and SMEs are shrinking or closing due to bureaucratic interference, a stark contrast to 2023 when small businesses were expanding steadily. Even remittances, a vital lifeline for millions, have slowed after consistent growth in previous years.

Economy slows, investment drops 10-year low

Youth unemployment has reached alarming heights, exceeding 30% among educated graduates, compared with around 18% in 2023, fueling frustration and social instability. Thousands of skilled workers are now seeking migration to Malaysia, the Middle East, and Europe, creating a dangerous brain drain that threatens long-term national growth. The societal consequences are dire: rising crime, growing radicalization, and social unrest have become common as young citizens face diminishing legitimate opportunities.

PPRC Survey Report: Poverty and Inequality on the Rise in Bangladesh

Under Yunus, economic deterioration is not just a slowdown; it is a systemic collapse, with cascading effects on livelihoods, social stability, and the very foundations of Bangladesh’s future. Compared with the relative stability and growth of the previous administration, the country is now sliding toward economic and social chaos.

(make an infographic that shows the difference between the last 1 years economic condition with the previous years)

Lawlessness Rules: Murder, Mob Violence, and Vigilantism

Under the Yunus-led interim government, Bangladesh’s law and order situation has plunged into unprecedented chaos, exposing ordinary citizens to a relentless wave of crime, violence, and arbitrary killings.

Bangladesh sees 11 murders per day as law and order worsens

In just the first six months of 2025, police recorded 1,930 murders, a sharp 25.9% increase from the 1,533 cases during the same period in 2024. Each month shows a worsening trend, with June alone reporting 343 killings, reflecting the government’s complete inability to maintain even the most basic security. Political interference has systematically weakened the police force, with loyalists appointed over experienced officers, top positions left vacant for months, and senior personnel purged for political reasons. The result is a law enforcement apparatus that is incapable of controlling crime or protecting citizens.

The collapse of formal justice has fueled a parallel surge in mob violence and vigilantism. Between August 2024 and July 2025, at least 637 people were lynched by mobs, compared to just 51 deaths under mob violence in 2023, a shocking 1,250% increase. These lynchings often target individuals over suspicions of theft, blasphemy, or even political identity, demonstrating how mob justice has become a substitute for the state’s failed institutions. The brutal public lynching of two Hindu devotees, Ruplal Das and Pradeep Das, in Rangpur over a suspected theft has gone viral, revealing the terrifying normalization of such violence.

637 killed in mob violence, lynching since Sheikh Hasina’s ouster

The situation is further aggravated by the discovery of corpses in rivers, with an average of 43 bodies recovered monthly in 2025, 30% of which remain unidentified. Authorities cite resource constraints and delayed recovery, but analysts warn that criminals are increasingly using rivers as dumping grounds, confident that their victims will go unrecognized and unpunished.

Average of 43 Bodies Found in Rivers Each Month

The combination of rising criminal activity, extrajudicial killings, and unchecked mob violence paints a grim picture of a state in freefall. Citizens have lost faith in courts, police, and the justice system, increasingly resorting to taking matters into their own hands. The Yunus government’s failure to reform law enforcement, hold perpetrators accountable, and restore the rule of law has left Bangladesh teetering on the brink of anarchy, where fear and violence dictate everyday life, and the very fabric of society is at risk of unraveling.

Minorities Targeted, Militancy Thrives: A Year of Lawlessness Under Interim Govt

Under the Yunus-led interim government, Bangladesh is facing an alarming surge of Islamist militancy alongside systematic targeting of religious and ethnic minorities, signaling a deep breakdown of governance and public safety. Over the past year, radical Islamist groups have gained momentum, often operating with political tolerance, while minority communities have become increasingly vulnerable to attacks, intimidation, and social exclusion.

Deaths in mob violence on rise

Since August 2024, at least 111 people have been killed in mob violence, including incidents targeting minority groups. In Rangpur’s Taraganj Upazila, two Hindu devotees, Ruplal Das (40) and Pradeep Das (35), were lynched in public over alleged theft, with videos circulating widely. In the same period, 14 Hindu homes in Rangpur were vandalized, and attacks against minority-owned businesses and temples have been reported repeatedly in Dhaka, Chittagong, and the northern districts. The Chittagong Hill Tracts remain a hotspot for harassment against indigenous groups, including displacement and property destruction.

Begged for life, yet the mob did not spare Ruplal and Pradip

Meanwhile, Islamist militancy has grown under the shadow of government inaction. Extremist networks have carried out threats, attacks, and radicalization campaigns, including targeting secular citizens, activists, and minorities. Reports indicate that at least 40 incidents of extremist-led violence against minorities occurred in the first half of 2025 alone, many involving physical assaults or intimidation. Police frequently fail to intervene, investigations are slow or absent, and prosecutions are rare, leaving extremists to act with near impunity.

The combination of rising militant activity and deliberate targeting of minorities paints a grim picture. Bangladesh is becoming a country where fear, sectarianism, and radicalization flourish, and the interim government’s inaction has allowed this crisis to escalate unchecked. The protection of minorities and the prevention of extremist violence remain urgently unaddressed, highlighting the failure of the Yunus administration to uphold law, order, and constitutional rights.

Escalating Violence Against Women; No One Is Safe Anywhere

Under the Yunus-led interim government, Bangladesh has witnessed a disturbing escalation in violence against women, exposing the systemic collapse of law enforcement and social safeguards. In just the first six months of 2025, official records indicate over 4,200 cases of rape and sexual assault, including at least 650 incidents of gang rape, a stark rise from 3,100 cases during the same period in 2024. These figures likely understate the crisis, as countless survivors refrain from reporting due to fear of retaliation or skepticism toward the authorities.

Child rape cases rise nearly 75% in 7 months

Women now face mounting risks in both public and private spaces. Domestic violence has surged, often exacerbated by economic insecurity and social unrest, while public assaults, sometimes carried out by mobs or politically connected perpetrators, have grown increasingly brazen. The viral circulation of assault videos on social media further deepens trauma, amplifies humiliation, and creates a chilling culture of impunity, emboldening criminals while discouraging survivors from seeking justice.

Epidemic of Sexual Violence in Bangladesh

The government’s inaction is glaring. Investigations are frequently delayed or abandoned, police accountability is near nonexistent, and protective measures are almost entirely absent. High-profile cases in Dhaka, Chittagong, and Rangpur reveal that political connections or social status often shield perpetrators from prosecution, sending a clear signal that violence against women is tolerated, if not indirectly encouraged, under Yunus.

This surge in gender-based violence reflects more than just individual criminality; it underscores a state-level failure. By allowing such crimes to proliferate unchecked, the interim government has not only endangered women but also eroded public trust in institutions meant to uphold justice and safety. The result is a society where women are living in constant fear, and Bangladesh’s international reputation as a safe and rights-respecting country is rapidly deteriorating.

Judiciary Turned Into a Political Weapon

Bangladesh’s judicial system has collapsed into a tool for political repression under the Yunus-led interim government. Courts, once meant to uphold justice and protect citizens’ rights, now serve the interests of a military-backed regime, issuing politically motivated verdicts while denying bail to opposition activists and dissenters. Arbitrary detentions have become routine, with thousands held without trial, often for months or even years, under the pretext of maintaining law and order.

Anti-National Forces Staged Mock Trial Against Sheikh Hasina

The scale of repression is staggering. According to the Manabadhikar Shongskriti Foundation, as of July 2025, over 516,000 people have been implicated in 1,567 wholesale criminal cases, yet only 79,491 have been named, leaving 436,836 “unnamed”. This mechanism allows authorities to arrest anyone at whim, effectively criminalizing political dissent and stifling free expression. Protest movements, student activism, labor union actions, and opposition party activities have all been targeted, with mass arrests used as a primary tool of control.

Wholesale criminal cases filed across Bangladesh

High-profile cases highlight the politicization of the judiciary. Nearly 400 former ministers, MPs, and other Awami League officials have been named in over 1,170 politically motivated cases, many involving fabricated charges. Individuals like former mayors remain in detention for events that occurred while they were outside the country, demonstrating the arbitrary nature of arrests. Meanwhile, judicial independence has eroded to the point that courts routinely deny bail to opposition members, enforce preventive detention under draconian laws, and rubber-stamp the regime’s crackdown on dissent.

This systematic collapse of judicial independence, coupled with mass arbitrary detentions, has created a climate of fear, repression, and lawlessness, where the legal system no longer serves justice but acts as a weapon against political opponents and citizens seeking accountability. Under Yunus, Bangladesh has effectively become a state where fear replaces freedom, and repression replaces justice.

Surge In Extra-Judicial Killings

Since taking power in August 2024, the Yunus-led Interim Government has presided over a sharp rise in extra-judicial killings, transforming Bangladesh into a climate of fear. Official and independent reports indicate that security forces have frequently resorted to so-called “crossfire” operations, which have become a euphemism for targeted killings of opposition activists, dissidents, and alleged criminals. In the first year of Yunus’s rule, at least 44 police officers were given legal indemnity for killings in such operations, while hundreds of honest, competent officers were removed from key positions purely for political loyalty reasons, further eroding institutional accountability.

Bangladesh Sees Surge in Extrajudicial Killings, Custodial Deaths Under Interim Government

Disappearances of activists have also skyrocketed. High-profile detentions have often ended with the victims vanishing without a trace, leaving families in despair and society in terror. Reports suggest that hundreds of individuals remain unaccounted for, while those responsible within the security apparatus face no prosecution or even investigation. This lack of accountability has emboldened security agencies to operate with impunity, undermining the rule of law and contributing to the perception that the state itself is complicit in systematic repression.

Extrajudicial killings persist despite decline

Under Yunus, extra-judicial killings have become a tool of political control, a direct message to anyone opposing the regime: dissent will be silenced, and justice abandoned. This unchecked use of lethal force not only violates fundamental human rights but has also normalized violence as a method of governance, driving Bangladesh further into chaos.

Human Rights in Freefall

Bangladesh’s human rights situation has deteriorated sharply under the Yunus-led Interim Government. Civil liberties are under siege, with freedom of speech, assembly, and association increasingly curtailed. Independent watchdogs such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights have repeatedly flagged the country for arbitrary arrests, torture, and mass surveillance.

Are human rights eroding under Muhammad Yunus?

Since August 2024, over 516,000 individuals have been implicated in politically motivated criminal cases, many unnamed, enabling the authorities to detain anyone at whim. Journalists and activists are routinely threatened, harassed, or jailed, creating a climate of fear that suppresses dissent. Enforced disappearances remain rampant, with dozens of opposition leaders and human rights defenders disappearing, their whereabouts unknown.

Mass surveillance and intimidation campaigns have intensified. Reports indicate that social media activity is monitored, and critics of the government face reprisals ranging from public harassment to arbitrary detention. Citizens have begun to self-censor out of fear, reflecting the collapse of basic freedoms that are fundamental to any democratic society.

Bangladesh: Review Laws and Protect Human Rights Standards

International observers note that the Yunus administration’s failures have eroded the rule of law, undermined judicial independence, and empowered security agencies to operate with impunity, leaving Bangladesh in a state of systemic human rights crisis. The country now faces a pervasive climate of fear, where ordinary citizens, journalists, and minority communities are left vulnerable to abuse, with no institutional safeguards to protect them.

The trajectory under Yunus is clear: Bangladesh’s civil society and democratic institutions are being hollowed out, leaving the population exposed to repression and lawlessness on an unprecedented scale.

The Only Way to Recovery

Bangladesh is at a crossroads. After a year under the Yunus-led interim government, the country faces a deepening economic crisis, rising unemployment, widespread violence, and severe human rights abuses. Everyday life has become increasingly unsafe, with ordinary citizens bearing the brunt of lawlessness, arbitrary arrests, and social instability. The data is stark: rising murder rates, mass detentions of opposition activists, attacks on journalists, and continued mob violence all point to a state in serious distress.

Bangladesh Is a South Asian Time Bomb

The only realistic way forward is free, fair, and inclusive national elections that involve all major political parties under a neutral caretaker arrangement. The current interim government, closely tied to the National Citizens’ Party (NCP), has already shown clear favoritism and political bias, making it incapable of conducting impartial elections. Without a truly neutral framework, any electoral process would risk cementing the current climate of repression, lawlessness, and injustice.

A free and inclusive election is all we want

International support and oversight are essential to ensure transparency and fairness. At the same time, domestic institutions must be strengthened: judicial independence restored, press freedom guaranteed, and human rights protections fully enforced. These steps are vital not just for immediate stability, but to rebuild public trust, curb radicalization, and create a foundation for long-term democracy.

Bangladesh can recover, but it requires decisive action. Inclusive elections, accountability, and the restoration of rights are the only way to reverse the decline and give citizens hope for a safe, just, and democratic future.

The Trump administration has finally named its nominee for US ambassador to Bangladesh, choosing a seasoned career diplomat to fill the top post at its Dhaka mission.

Brent Christensen, of Virginia, a Career Member of the Senior Foreign Service, Class of Counselor, has been nominated to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, according to an announcement on the White House’s official website dated September 2, 2025.

Christensen’s name was unveiled in a slew of appointments and nominations, that included the nomination of the current State Department spokesperson, Tammy Bruce, as ambassador to the United Nations, and Sergey Gor as ambassador to India.

All three nominations are subject to approval by the Senate.

Christensen has previous experience in Bangladesh, having served as Counselor for Political and Economic Affairs at the US Embassy here from 2019-2021, according to his official profile on the State Department’s website.

Early on in his career, he also served as Bangladesh Country Officer in the Office of Pakistan and Bangladesh Affairs, which no longer exists under that name, at the State Department.

His other appointments include Deputy Director, Office of Regional Security and Arms Transfers, Bureau of Political-Military Affairs at the Department of State (2016-2019), and as a Pearson Fellow on detail to the majority staff of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific (2015-2016).

He has also been Special Assistant to the Special Representative for North Korea Policy, Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs Cyber Coordinator, Deputy Counselor for Economic Affairs at the US Embassy in Manila, Deputy Economic Counselor at the US Embassy in San Salvador, Economic Officer at the US Embassy in Riyadh, and Vice Consul at the US Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam.

The US Embassy in Dhaka has been running without an ambassador since Peter Haas wrapped up his eventful tenure in the summer of 2024.

Since then, a series of charge de affaires or CDAs have filled the role, with Tracey Ann Jacobson, the current CDA, having been in the position since January.

The Bangladesh ambassador to Washington DC post has been vacant since Asad Alam Siam became foreign secretary

Dhaka: Ambassador Tareq Md Ariful Islam, who served as the permanent representative of Bangladesh to the UN Offices in Geneva, is going to be Bangladesh’s next ambassador to the United States. The post of Bangladesh ambassador to Washington DC has remained vacant for months since Ambassador Asad Alam Siam was appointed foreign secretary.

A senior official at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs told on Wednesday that Ambassador Tareq has moved out of Geneva to Washington DC. Tareq served as Bangladesh envoy to Sri Lanka before his appointment as Bangladesh envoy to the UN offices in Geneva in June 2024, succeeding Ambassador Mohammad Sufiur Rahman in this capacity. Ambassador Tareq, a career diplomat belonging to the 17th batch of the BCS (Foreign Affairs) Cadre, joined the service in 1998.

Prior to taking up the current position in November 2020, he was serving as the Deputy Permanent Representative in the Bangladesh Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York.

As for his other assignments abroad, he had another stint (from 2005 to 2009) in the New York Permanent Mission as First Secretary initially and at the later part as Counsellor. He then served in the Bangladesh Deputy High Commission in Kolkata, India (2009-2012) as counsellor as well.

At the headquarters, he served as director general (South Asia Wing) and before that in various other capacities, including director (South Asia Wing), director (Foreign Minister’s Office) as well as in the personnel wing and the foreign secretary’s office.

Ambassador Tareq obtained a Master of Diplomacy and Trade degree from the Monash University, Australia and a Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering from the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (Buet).

Mob violence is carving deep, brutal scars into the fabric of Bangladesh — fuelled by rumours, sharpened by rage, and amplified by social media.

Miftahul Jannat: – When justice is hijacked by rage and rumour, it takes only minutes for a mob to become a murderer. Like those two men beaten to death in Sirajganj on August 4 over alleged cattle theft. Or the Hindu homes vandalised in Rangpur in July, triggered by a Facebook post. Or the lynching in Cumilla’s Muradnagar claiming the lives of a woman and her two children earlier that month. Or the 70-year-old barber and his son brutally attacked following accusations of hurting religious sentiments in Lalmonirhat in June. The man in Bhola whose eyes were gouged out by a mob in March. The Uber driver, mistaken for a mugger, beaten to death in Dhaka that same month. Or the mentally unstable Tofazzal killed for suspected theft in a university dorm last September.

Each of these incidents is a chilling reminder of how mob violence is carving deep, brutal scars into the fabric of Bangladesh — fuelled by rumours, sharpened by rage, and amplified by social media. In this digital era, where smartphones are ubiquitous and digital freedom runs largely unchecked, misinformation is becoming a deadly weapon, and the consequences are playing out in real time.

The orchestration of violence

According to Shahzada M Akram, Senior Research Fellow at TIB, the anatomy of a mob in Bangladesh often follows a grim pattern. While some outbreaks are purely driven by misinformation, circulated through social media or messaging apps, others are far more calculated.

“There are instances where misinformation is deliberately seeded to serve political or personal motives,” he explained. “Religious sentiment becomes an easy trigger.” In cases like Dinajpur, mobs have vandalised temples and shrines based on false claims, while incidents like the Cumilla Muradnagar beating show how local interest groups exploit digital rumours to incite violence. Often, law enforcement arrives too late to prevent the damage and, by then, the mob has already done its work.

Nur Khan Liton, a prominent human rights activist, pointed out that while mob beatings existed in the past, their nature has evolved drastically in recent years. “In earlier times, there were isolated incidents, sometimes planned, but what we see now is a coordinated culture of violence,” he explained.

These orchestrated mobs not only physically attack individuals; they target homes, properties, and even legal processes. “There have been instances where defendants in custody, brought before the courts, were assaulted. In some cases, mobs attacked the accused even when they were taken to the hospital for treatment,” observed Liton.

These events often involve politically motivated small groups seeking personal or ideological gain. “They don’t necessarily have formal political party structures, but they fish in troubled waters, exploiting chaos for their own interest,” he mentioned. “Such actors sometimes even co-opt law enforcement to facilitate attacks, further blurring the lines of accountability.”

The implication is clear: mob violence in Bangladesh is not merely spontaneous public outrage. While emotions play a role, many incidents are carefully orchestrated to destabilise communities, exploit religious or ethnic sentiments, and intimidate political and other social groups.

Misinformation and the digital echo chamber

In the midst of this orchestrated violence, social media has become the accelerant. Dr Md Khorshed Alam, Associate Professor in Mass Communication & Journalism at Dhaka University, highlighted the structural changes in media dissemination. “Traditional media like newspapers, TV, and radio had gatekeeping systems. Information passed through checks, and accountability was embedded,” he explained. “Social media, however, allows consumers to become producers, or prosumers, with little or no gatekeeping.”

This shift has enabled rapid, often unchecked, circulation of misinformation, disinformation, and mal-information. Even mainstream media, when publishing online, has tended to prioritise speed and virality over accuracy, sometimes adding sensational elements to attract likes, shares, and comments. Dr Alam noted that this “viralism” replaces careful journalism with a race to capture attention, often without verifying facts from all parties involved or considering potential consequences.

When such content circulates, it can catalyse real-world violence. Mobs, often ideologically motivated, consume these viral narratives and interpret them through personal or political lenses. This ideological lens, combined with low digital literacy, creates fertile ground for rapid escalation from online outrage to street-level attacks. “People see an excerpt, a photocard, or a video clip, and make decisions without context. Even if a correction is issued later, the initial impact is far more powerful,” explained Dr Alam.

A digital chain reaction

Neither misinformation nor mob violence are new phenomena. But what social media has done is intensify the chain reaction. A crime occurs, a video circulates online, and public outrage follows. What was once a local issue now reverberates across the country in minutes.

This repeated exposure to crime through visual content online can provoke a sense of collective anger. “When a crime happens, and its visual representation is out on social media, general people can get disproportionately enraged,” mentioned Qadaruddin Shishir, Fact Check Editor at AFP.

This effect is intensified in a society where visible justice is slow or absent, and the public may perceive taking matters into their own hands as the only option, resulting in mob justice, often brutal and tragically misdirected.

Md Rezaul Karim Shohag, a lecturer in Dhaka University’s Criminology Department, reinforced this point with insights from routine activities theory. The theory suggests that crime occurs when a likely offender encounters a suitable target in the absence of legal guardianship, emphasising factors such as availability, proximity, and exposure that influence crime rates.

“In many recent mob cases, those involved are often the likely offenders. When perpetrators go unpunished, groups with personal grievances see an opportunity and join in the violence,” he explained.

The role of impunity

The growing public participation in mob violence stems from a breakdown in accountability. When justice remains elusive and offenders walk free, ordinary citizens, who would normally fear the law, start to shed that fear, emboldened by the impunity they witness.

“The general people in the mob don’t wake up every day intending to commit crimes. But when they see perpetrators repeatedly go unpunished, their fear of the law disappears. They start to believe they too can cross the line and walk away,” said Shishir from AFP.

In such an environment, one misleading image or miscaptioned video can ignite rage. Sometimes even outdated photos, like those claiming attacks on BNP offices, are recirculated to stir political outrage and potentially violent responses.

Current weaknesses within the law enforcement amid the volatile political climate have reinforced this sense of impunity among people. Many officials fail to intervene, while others are complicit or sidelined. The result is a culture where mob beatings have become normalised. “People are adjusting to crimes without punishment, and this lack of deterrence only encourages further violence,” added Shohag.

The criminology expert also pointed out the deterrence theory, where ensuring the severity of punishment matters more than who committed the crime. “From last August to this August, many people have been beaten or killed by mobs, yet how many have actually received justice? If proper justice had been served even for just ten people — that alone could have deterred others and set an example. We are neither deterring crime nor creating such examples, which only encourages more people to join mob violence,” he said.

Political manipulation and ideological triggers

“Recent cases of mob violence have been serving political ends. Small groups without formal party structures use social unrest to advance agendas, intimidate minorities, and destabilise society,” said human rights activist, Liton. These orchestrators exploit emotional triggers, such as religious sentiment or perceived injustices, while simultaneously avoiding legal consequences.

Dr Alam echoed this, noting that ideological baggage among social media users intensifies mob activity. Users interpret viral content according to pre-existing beliefs. Photocard journalism, circulating excerpts, images, and snippets without context, further fuels the cycle, according to him.

When lies go viral

What makes this crisis especially dangerous is the speed of viral content. “By the time fact-checkers verify something, the damage is often done,” mentioned Apon Das, a researcher on information integrity at Tech Global Institute. The Facebook algorithm, like others, promotes content that generates high engagement, meaning sensational and fear-inducing posts travel faster than the truth.

Fact-checking efforts, while crucial, often fall short. “Fact-checkers don’t have the same reach as viral posts,” added Das. This gap is not just technical, it is deeply educational. Media and digital literacy remain worryingly low among Bangladesh’s general population. “Most people don’t know how to verify the content they consume, or even feel the need to.”

Minhaj Aman, co-founder of Activate Rights also draws attention to the algorithmic influence. “Social media platforms show you more of what you already believe. This creates an echo chamber,” he explained. When users consume one fake news item, the algorithm begins to serve more of the same, reinforcing their biases and skewing their perception of reality.

Disinformation as income

There is also another dimension to this: financial and reputational incentives. Many actors knowingly spread disinformation for money, political leverage, or sheer visibility. “For some, social media isn’t just a platform; it’s an income source. Outrage and sensationalism are profitable,” Das explained. The proliferation of monetised content has created a dangerous incentive system. The more outrageous the post, the higher the click count.

Yet Bangladesh lacks clear legal definitions and investigative mechanisms to address such targeted disinformation. While cyber laws exist, they often fall short — or worse, get misused. “The laws are vague about intentional misinformation and can be used to silence critics rather than penalise actual bad actors,” Das warned.

Media must do better

Media institutions, both traditional and digital, have a critical role in the current situation. Shishir argued that mainstream media’s editorial decisions can either inflame or calm volatile situations. Clickbait headlines and fear-inducing narratives amplify mob action. Dr Alam highlighted that online editions of newspapers often fail to replicate the rigorous verification applied in print. Reproductions of partially verified news, coupled with low treatment of corrections or rejoinders, further confuse the public. When clarifications are issued, they rarely receive the prominence of the initial story, leading to entrenched misconceptions that can trigger violence.

Education and digital literacy

Literacy, both general and digital, is crucial in curbing the spread of misinformation and mob violence. Dr Alam noted, “The internet, smartphones, and social media are accessible to everyone, but understanding varies widely. Those with lower comprehension are more easily influenced.” Apon Das and Aman advocated for national campaigns to increase media literacy, ideally integrated into school curricula, community workshops, and online platforms. Citizens must learn not only how to recognise fake news but also how to respond responsibly. Waiting before reacting to viral content, cross-checking information, and understanding context are essential steps.

Shishir added that unrestricted internet access without education is a recipe for misuse. Countries like Indonesia introduce media literacy early in education, a model Bangladesh could emulate. Digital literacy empowers citizens to resist misinformation and reduces the potential for collective violence.

Strengthening fact-checking and regulatory capacity

Currently, fewer than 30 active fact-checkers operate in Bangladesh, a stark mismatch for a population exceeding 50 million internet users. Aman emphasised the need for alliances between media, fact-checkers, and civil society, similar to India’s Shakti coalition, to counter false narratives effectively, especially before the election.

Dr Alam underscored the necessity of updating cybersecurity and digital security laws, ensuring that legal enforcement mechanisms can detect and respond to misinformation. He also suggested government negotiations with social media platforms to minimise the spread of harmful content, following international examples such as the way the EU fined Google for abusing its monopoly.

The delicate balance

Experts agree that solutions cannot rely solely on legal mechanisms. Capacity building — within the state, media, and civil society — rather than simple control is more crucial. Strengthening accountability, empowering fact-checkers, and enhancing digital literacy collectively form a sustainable approach.

Bangladesh stands at a crossroads between digital freedom and digital peril. Without decisive action the cycle of mob violence is likely to continue. Knowledge, vigilance, and democratic accountability remain the only antidotes to a society where rumours and rage can so easily override justice.